State to Grady: You have to kiss more ass

By now the atrocious vote to privatize Grady is general knowledge. What I find interesting is this story by the AJC about how state legislators think they are the ones getting a raw deal.

Right off the bat the story shows the AJC slant towards privatization. The first sentence reads, "On a day when Grady supporters should have been triumphantly plotting a bright future for the rescued hospital..." Apparently it's objective fact that 1) the day was triumphant, 2) the hospital was "saved," and 3) supporters of the hospital are pro-privatization. In hockey getting 3 goals is s called a hat trick, but at the AJC it's just called journalism.

Still, the funniest part of the story is reading about all the poor, defenseless politicians who are outraged (outraged I tell you!) at being given a demand.
"I have no intention of signing an unenforceable document that seeks to bind the state to a specific, annual appropriation," said Gov. Perdue. House Majority leader Jerry Keen hinted the deal puts everything back at square one. These drama kings are reacting to the privatization resolution that requested the hospital get state money. Imagine that? A public hospital serving poor people from across the state getting public money from across the state. Shocking, isn't it?

Hopefully, the community can still kill this plan before it goes forward. It look likes the state wants a private hospital that makes money for campaign donors. That is the free-market system at work. The poor, apparently, are free to die.

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Rethinking Thanksgiving

I know that holiday is over and we're all moving into Christmas. However, this is a really well-written piece and I couldn't let it go. Happy Holidays.

Why We Shouldn't Celebrate Thanksgiving
By Robert Jensen
Posted on November 22, 2007, Printed on November 27, 2007 http://www.alternet.org/story/68170/

After years of being constantly annoyed and often angry about the historical denial built into Thanksgiving Day, I published an essay in November 2005 suggesting we replace the feasting with fasting and create a National Day of Atonement to acknowledge the genocide of indigenous people that is central to the creation of the United States.

I expected criticism from right-wing and centrist people, given their common commitment to this country's distorted self-image that supports the triumphalist/supremacist notions about the United States so common in conventional politics, and I got plenty of such critique. But I was surprised by the resistance from liberals, including a considerable number of my friends.

The most common argument went something like this: OK, it's true that the Thanksgiving Day mythology is rooted in a fraudulent story -- about the European invaders coming in peace to the "New World," eager to cooperate with indigenous people -- which conveniently ignores the reality of European barbarism in the conquest of the continent. But we can reject the culture's self-congratulatory attempts to rewrite history, I have been told, and come together on Thanksgiving to celebrate the love and connections among family and friends.

The argument that we can ignore the collective cultural definition of Thanksgiving and create our own meaning in private has always struck me as odd. This commitment to Thanksgiving puts these left/radical critics in the position of internalizing one of the central messages promoted by the ideologues of capitalism -- that individual behavior in private is more important than collective action in public. The claim that through private action we can create our own reality is one of the key tenets of a predatory corporate capitalism that naturalizes unjust hierarchy, a part of the overall project of discouraging political struggle and encouraging us to retreat into a private realm where life is defined by consumption.

So this November, rather than mount another attack on the national mythology around Thanksgiving -- a mythology that amounts to a kind of holocaust denial, and which has been critiqued for many years by many people -- I want to explore why so many who understand and accept this critique still celebrate Thanksgiving, and why rejecting such celebrations sparks such controversy.

Once we know, what do we do?

At this point in history, anyone who wants to know this reality of U.S. history -- that the extermination of indigenous peoples was, both in a technical, legal sense and in common usage, genocide -- can easily find the resources to know. If this idea is new, I would recommend two books, David E. Stannard's American Holocaust: Columbus and the Conquest of the New World and Ward Churchill's A Little Matter of Genocide. While the concept of genocide, which is defined as the deliberate attempt "to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group," came into existence after World War II, it accurately describes the program that Europeans and their descendants pursued to acquire the territory that would become the United States of America.

Once we know that, what do we do? The moral response -- that is, the response that would be consistent with the moral values around justice and equality that most of us claim to hold -- would be a truth-and-reconciliation process that would not only correct the historical record but also redistribute land and wealth. In the white-supremacist and patriarchal society in which we live, operating within the parameters set by a greed-based capitalist system, such a process is hard to imagine in the short term. So, the question for left/radical people is: What political activity can we engage in to keep alive this kind of critique until a time when social conditions might make a truly progressive politics possible?

In short: Once we know, what do we do in a world that is not yet ready to know, or knows but will not deal with the consequences of that knowledge?

The general answer to that question is simple, though often difficult to put into practice: We must keep speaking honestly, as often as possible, in as many venues as possible. We must resist the conventional wisdom. We must reject the cultural amnesia. We must refuse to be polite when politeness means capitulation to lies.

I have not always been strong enough to meet even these basic moral obligations. Most of us in positions of unearned privilege and power would be wise to avoid pontificating about our moral superiority and political courage, given our routine failures. Can any of us not point to moments when we went along to get along? Have any of us done enough to bring our lives in line with the values we claim to hold?

Still, we need to help each other tell the truth, even when the truth is not welcome.

The illusion of redefining Thanksgiving

Imagine that Germany won World War II and that a Nazi regime endured for some decades, eventually giving way to a more liberal state with a softer version of German-supremacist ideology. Imagine that a century later, Germans celebrated a holiday offering a whitewashed version of German/Jewish history that ignored that holocaust and the deep anti-Semitism of the culture. Imagine that the holiday provided a welcomed time for families and friends to gather and enjoy food and conversation. Imagine that businesses, schools and government offices closed on this day.

What would we say about such a holiday? Would we not question the distortions woven into such a celebration? Would we not demand a more accurate historical account? Would we not, in fact, denounce such a holiday as grotesque?

Now, imagine that left/liberal Germans -- those who were critical of the power structure that created that distorted history and who in other settings would challenge the political uses of those distortions -- put aside their critique and celebrated the holiday with their fellow citizens, claiming to ignore the meaning of the holiday created by the dominant culture.

What would we say about such people? Would we not question their commitment to the principles they claim to hold? Would we not demand a more courageous politics?

Comparisons to the Nazis are routinely overused and typically hyperbolic, but this is directly analogous. These are fair, albeit painful, questions for all of us.

Left/liberals who want to claim they are rejecting that European-supremacist and racist use of Thanksgiving and "redefining" the holiday in private clearly avoid the obvious: We don't define holidays individually -- the idea of a holiday is rooted in its collective, shared meaning. When the dominant culture defines a holiday in a certain fashion, one can't pretend to redefine it in private. One either accepts the dominant definition or resists it, publicly and privately.

Of course people often struggle for control over the meaning of symbols and holidays, but typically we engage in such battles when we believe there is some positive aspect of the symbol or holiday worth fighting for. For example, Christians -- some of whom believe that Christmas should focus on the values of universal love and world peace rather than on orgiastic consumption -- may resist that commercialization and argue in public and private for a different approach to the holiday. Those people typically continue to celebrate Christmas, but in ways consistent with those values. In that case, people are trying to recover and/or reinforce something that they believe is positive because of values rooted in a historical tradition. Those folks struggle over the meaning of Christmas because they believe the core of Christianity is experienced through the people we touch, not the products we purchase. In that endeavor, Christians are arguing the culture has gone astray and lost the positive, historical grounding of the holiday.

But what is positive in the historical events that define Thanksgiving? What tradition are we trying to return to? I have no quarrel with designating a day (or days) that would allow people to take a break from our often manic work routines and appreciate the importance of community, encouraging all of us to be grateful for what we have. But if that is the goal, why yoke it to Thanksgiving Day and a history of celebrating European/white dominance and conquest? Trying to transform Thanksgiving Day into a true day of thanksgiving, it seems to me, is possible only by letting go of this holiday, not by remaining rooted in it. If there were a major shift in the culture and a majority of people could confront these historical realities, perhaps the last Thursday in November could be so transformed. But that shift and transformation are, to say the least, not yet here.

For too long, I ignored these troubling questions. To get along, I went along. I buried my concerns to avoid making trouble. But in recent years that has become more difficult. So, this year I want to acknowledge my past failures to raise these issues and commit not only to renouncing Thanksgiving publicly but also to refusing to participate in any celebration of it privately.

The choices: Make people comfortable by engaging or by disengaging

Obviously there are people in the United States -- indigenous and otherwise -- who do not celebrate Thanksgiving or who mark it, in private and/or in public, as a day of mourning.

Also obvious is that there are people who may not have a family or community with which they celebrate such holidays; it's important to remember that there are people on such holidays who are alone and/or lonely, and to them these political questions may seem irrelevant.

But for those of us who do get invited to traditional Thanksgiving Day dinners, how do we remain true to our stated political and moral principles? I think we have two choices.

We can go to the Thanksgiving gatherings put on by friends and family, determined to raise these issues and willing to take the risk of alienating those who want to enjoy the day without politics. Or, we can refuse to go to such a gathering and make it known why we're not attending, which means taking the risk of alienating those who want to enjoy the day without politics.

This year, I've decided to disengage and explain why to the people who invited me. These are people I love, yet who have made a different decision. My love for them has not diminished, and I trust the conversation with them about this and other political/moral questions will continue.

Once I make that decision, of course, I also have the option of participating in a public event that resists Thanksgiving. I'm not aware of one happening in my community, and because of commitments to other political projects, I didn't feel I could organize an effective event in time for this Thanksgiving Day. But on the assumption that others may feel this way, I have started thinking about what kind of public gathering could make such a political statement effectively, and in the future I hope to find others who are interested in such an event locally.

So, what will I do on Thanksgiving Day this year? I'll probably spend part of the day alone. Maybe I'll take a long walk and think about all this. I'll try to be kind and decent to the people I bump into during the day. I'll miss the company of friends and family who are gathering, and I'll try to reflect on why I've made this choice and why this question matters to me. I'll think about why others made the choices they made.

But this year, whatever I do, I won't celebrate Thanksgiving. I'm going to let that parade pass me by.

Robert Jensen is a journalism professor at the University of Texas at Austin, and the author of, most recently, Getting Off: Pornography and the End of Masculinity (South End Press, 2007).

© 2007 Independent Media Institute. All rights reserved.
View this story online at: http://www.alternet.org/story/68170/

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GLOBAL WOMEN'S STRIKE IN ATLANTA

GLOBAL WOMEN'S STRUGGLES FOR DEMOCRACY
A Lecture & Discussion with Selma James & Andaiye

SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 25th, 11:30am
ATLANTA FRIENDS MEETING HOUSE
701 West Howard Avenue
Decatur, Georgia
Location information contact: 404-377-2474 or afmquakers@hotmail.com

The Onyx Foundation: is excited to announce co-sponsorship, with the Atlanta Friends Meeting House, of a lecture by pathbreaking Feminist Movement theorists and activists Selma James and Andaiye. They are touring the United States to mark the 35th anniversary of the International Wages for Housework Campaign, which Selma James founded, and to speak to anti-sexist, anti-racist and anti-war women and men in North America.

Selma James is an activist, author, strategist, critical thinker, women's rights and anti-racist campaigner, colleague and partner of C.L.R. James. In 1972 she founded the International Wages for Housework Campaign, and has coordinated the Global Women's Strike since 2000. She is the co-author of The Power of Women and the Subversion of the Community (1972), and author of Sex, Race and Class (1974), both classics, and also co-author of The Milk of Human Kindness (2002). Ms. James is a dynamic and exciting speaker who impresses audiences with the depth of her understanding and the scope of her interests. She has worked with democratic struggles in Venezuela since 2002.

Andaiye is co-founder and international coordinator of Red Thread (RT) in Guyana. RT began as a self-help income-generating group bringing low-income women together across violent racial divides. It has always given a voice to all grassroots women: Indo- and Afro-Guyanese as well as Indigenous. Andaiye is the author of The Valuing of Unwaged Work, an analysis of the cost to women in the Caribbean of structural adjustment policies. She represented CARICOM at the United Nations World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995, leading the negotiations which resulted in the agreement among governments, including the U.S. government, to measure and value unwaged work. In 1979, she was also a founding member and leader of the Working People*s Alliance in Guyana along with activist and historian Walter Rodney, author of How Europe Underdeveloped Africa.

My Prayer Perdue Will Do His Job

Once again a southern state is a national laughingstock. This time we get to thank Gov. Perdue who led a prayer for rain on the capitol steps. Asking for God's help in ending the drought wouldn't have been on my top 10 ideas of things to help Georgia right now. You know what would be number 1 on that list? A water plan. Maybe God will give Perdue one. Can we bow our heads?

It did rain that night, more than an inch in some places. This would be more impressive if weather forecasting hadn't been invented. You see, rain was forecast before the vigil. Check out the last paragraph in the UPI story cited above. If you're interested, here's a good site analyzing the rainfall. Still, in the off chance this works, here's my prayer for Georgia:

Dear God (or Allah, or Goddess, or Flying Spaghetti Monster, or whatever),

Please help Georgia survive idiotic politician unable to manage the basic functions of governing.

Please help the people of Georgia deal with stupid elected officials who, instead of doing their job, instead engage in photo opportunities designed to deflect attention from the fact they haven't been doing their job.

Oh mighty Lord (or insert whatever here), please grace us with the patience to accept the stupid people we cannot change, the stupid politicians we can change, and the wisdom to know the difference.

And would it kill you cut the Falcons some slack?

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Dude, I'm Almost Famous

Well, no, I'm not really almost famous. However, I am a regular contributor to the Movement Vision Lab Blog. My first article, Banging Heads Against the Wall: Why the Peace Movement Won't Stop the Occupation of Iraq, is about...well it's about why the peace movement won't stop the occupation of Iraq. More to the point, I guess, it's a critique of anti-war strategy.

The Movement Vision lab is a project of the Center for Community Change. They are attempting to start a progressive dialog on a number of topics and have asked organizers and activists from around the country to contribute essays. They wanted some controversy, and I guess that's why they asked me. I've written a few essays for them and they will be posted over the coming few weeks. Please take a few moments to check out the site and maybe post a comment or two. Thanks.

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Jerry Keen: Liar or Hypocrite?

There chutzpah and then there's politician chutzpah. Rep. Jerry Keen (R-St. Simons) has gone beyond even politician chutzpah in his blathering support of Rep. Glenn Richardson's stupid idea to raise taxes (called the GREAT tax).

Keen is a ardent supporter of tax reform. Of course, when elected officials (especially ones who live in areas more than 90% white and with household incomes 25% than the rest of Georgia) talk about tax reform it's best to grab one's wallet and load the shotgun. Keen wants to eliminate the state personal income tax. Since the income tax is one of the fairest taxes available, ending it effectively shifts payment burden to lower income people. (You can learn more about taxes at www.nontrivialpursuits.org, but I recommend the printer friendly version since they don't know much about web design.) In short, Keen wants to make sure he and his rich neighbors hand their tax bill over to us. No thank you, Mr. Keen.

None of this, however, is an example of chutzpah. It's just an example of conservative politics. Keen's chutzpay is on display in an article on the 11alive website. Towards the end of the article Keen begins talking about why the idea should be on the ballot. He says:

"there is no more local control than having the local taxpayers and citizens be able to weigh in. And whether you agree or disagree with the plan, I cannot imagine an elected official at any level who would stand up and say, 'I don't want the citizens of my city and county to have the ability to vote and choose.'"
Why chutzpah? Because I remember 2005 when the same Rep. Keen told the people of Georgia to go jump in a lake. The issue then was the living wage bill and HB 59 which made it illegal for local governments to give contractual preferences to companies that pay living wages (i.e. not increase poverty). Rep. Keen voted for the bill. He apparently believed it better for the legislature to decide how local government should run and that local taxpayers and citizens should NOT to weigh in. Who else would know better about how Atlanta contracts should be given out then someone living in St. Simons?

Right now the only question is whether Keen is a liar or hypocrite. Rep. Keen please repeat this sentence: I don't want the citizens of my city and county to have the ability to vote and choose.

Latest Georgia Blog Carnival Out

Find out about blogs all over Georgia by checking out the Georgia Blog Carnival. It has a good round up of entertainment, political, and other types of blogs.

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Tinkering with the Dumbest Idea?

There is a story in The Anderson Independent Mail reporting on Rep. Jeanette Jamieson (D-Toccoa) misgivings about Rep. Glenn Richardson's dumb idea to raise taxes. The paper calls it the "fair tax proposal" which I guess is a good example of objectively reporting whatever someone says without checking up on it. That's a side issue though. What worries me is that Jamieson doesn't say she thinks the bills is stupid, she says it needs some tinkering. That could be legislator speak for, "I'm going to amend this to death." But that could also be, "I want to amend it so it doesn't screw my people." The language worries me. Anything short of an emphatic statement saying this is a stupid idea and should die a thousand deaths worries me.

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Steve Bright Editorial on Brian Nichols Case

This is reprinted in full from the AJC. Thanks to Sara for sending it out.

Let's try Brian Nichols properly the first time

By STEPHEN B. BRIGHT
Published on: 11/07/07

The case of Brian Nichols, who is to be tried for escaping and killing four people, including a judge, may cost Georgia more than money.

The suggestion being made by legislators that the presiding judge should be impeached because of unpopular rulings is a serious threat to judicial independence and the rule of law.

John Spink/Staff
Defense members Penelope Marshall (left), defendant Brian Nichols and attorney Jacob Sussman listen as jury selection gets underway. One of his four attorneys is working for free and a second has slashed rates.
Stephen B. Bright is president and senior counsel of the Southern Center for Human Rights in Atlanta.

The case is damaging the state's new public defender system, which was given $4.5 million to provide lawyers to defend capital cases — a job that would cost over $12 million even without an extraordinary case like Nichols.

And with the case has come a return to old-time demagoguery in which legislators do not provide the public defender agency the money to do its job and then berate it for not being able to do it.

A committee of the Georgia House of Representatives is supposedly investigating spending for defending Nichols and considering recommending the impeachment of the presiding judge.

However, any responsible legislative investigation would not take place until after the trial and it would include the expenses of the prosecution as well as the defense. The district attorney is spending far more in prosecuting Nichols than his lawyers have spent defending him.

As Judge Hilton Fuller has observed in orders regarding funding for the defense, the cost of defending the case is influenced by what the prosecution spends on various experts, such as a doctor from Connecticut, the number of witnesses it plans to call (possibly as many as 400 in a case that could be proven with 10), and the scope of the investigation conducted by the FBI, the Georgia Bureau of Investigation and other law enforcement agencies.

It has been suggested by legislators and even one judge that the expenses for the defense of the case approved by Fuller are excessive. But their criticisms are uninformed. None of them know what expenses have been allowed and the legal reasons for allowing them.

The critics and the Fulton County District Attorney want to treat the Nichols case like any other case. However, it is an extraordinary case that requires lawyers with the time and ability to defend it and the payment of expenses necessary for it to be tried fairly.

Lawyer must be capable

Everyone may not agree that a person who cannot afford a lawyer to defend himself at a death penalty trial should be provided one by the state. But the courts have held that the constitutions of Georgia and the United States require it. Like it or not, agree or disagree, trial judges must follow the law. Critics have the luxury of ignoring the constitutional requirements. Judges do not.

The right to a lawyer would be meaningless unless the lawyer is capable of defending the case. A lawyer capable of handling a drunk driving case may not be able to handle a death penalty case. And even lawyers capable of handling some death penalty cases may not be able to handle an extraordinary case like the Nichols case. Two lawyers may be enough for most penalty cases, but four defense lawyers may be required for the extraordinary case, just as five prosecutors may be required.

Both the U.S. Supreme Court and the Georgia Supreme Court have held that a defendant must be provided funds for expert witnesses, investigation and other expenses that are necessary for a fair trial. Both courts require trial judges to rule on whether such expenses are to be allowed only after considering a detailed showing by the defense lawyers that such expenses are required for a fair trial. That showing may require the defense lawyers to reveal to the judge attorney-client communications and other confidential information.

The applications and the rulings regarding expenses are not made public until after trial. The reason is fairness. Otherwise, people with court-appointed lawyers would be forced to reveal confidential information and their strategies to the prosecution. A person who hires a private lawyer is never required to disclose this information. Requiring those who cannot afford lawyers to disclose confidential information and their strategies would be contrary to the most basic notions of equal treatment of people accused of crimes.

Alday case a warning

It is impossible to say whether Fuller has been right or wrong in his rulings or whether other judges would have treated them differently without knowing what expenses he has approved, which he has denied and the reasons for his rulings.

The same criticisms that are now being made regarding the Nichols case were made with regard to the expenses for the defense of Timothy McVeigh in the Oklahoma City bombing case. McVeigh was provided a team of highly respected and well-paid lawyers as well as funds for experts and other expenses. Federal Judge Richard Matsch refused to make public his rulings for funds for McVeigh's defense public despite clamor from politicians that he do so. McVeigh's trial was ruled a fair one, and he was put to death.

Those who would rush Nichols to trial without paying the expenses necessary for a fair trial are willing to risk the case later being reversed if appellate courts find that he did not get a fair trial.

The last time a Georgia judge treated an extraordinary case like Nichols as just another case and tried it on the cheap, it took a lot longer and cost a lot more than it should have. That was the prosecution of three people who escaped from a prison in Maryland, fled to Georgia and killed six members of the Alday family in southwest Georgia.

The local judge appointed local lawyers over their protests and denied a change of venue. The three were swiftly convicted and sentenced to death. But 11 years later, the federal courts reversed the convictions for denial of a change of venue, one of several denials of fairness in the cases. The cases had to be tried again.

The second time, a different trial judge appointed lawyers from throughout the state with experience in defending capital cases to represent the defendants, paid the lawyers for their work and ordered adequate funding for experts and investigation.

All three were convicted and one, Carl Isaacs, was sentenced to death. (The other two were sentenced to life imprisonment, showing that competent lawyers and fair trials make a difference.) All the convictions were upheld on appeal and Isaacs was executed in 2003. It would have made more sense to do it right the first time. And Isaacs would have been executed at least 15 years earlier.

Trial could be reversed

The Nichols case, like the Alday case, is an extraordinary case — the kind we wish never occurred, but unfortunately they do, every 30 years or so. They cost more to prosecute and to defend.

The district attorney, Paul Howard, is certainly treating the Nichols case as an extraordinary case, assigning more members of his staff to prosecute it than other murder cases and spending more on it than on other cases. Any judge presiding over the case must recognize reality and treat it as an extraordinary case to defend.

If lawyers, experts and expenses are not paid to secure a fair trial for Nichols, one of two things will happen. The trial may be delayed until funds become available because there is no point in having a trial without the investigation, the expert witnesses and the other things the court has ruled are necessary for a fair trial. By definition, the trial cannot be fair. The other alternative is to conduct a trial, get verdicts that will be reversed later and have another trial in 10 or 15 years.

If the case is reversed, it will not be on a "technicality." The right to a fair trial, guaranteed by the constitutions of Georgia and the United States, is not a "technicality" any more than the right to free speech is a "technicality." A fair trial is the most basic difference between a fair judicial proceeding and a lynching, between the rule of law and the rule of the mob.

Case could damage system

It has been suggested that the lawyers in the Nichols case are making it more expensive than it should be in order to discourage the prosecutors from seeking the death penalty. If that is so, they are going about it in an odd way. One of the four defense lawyers is a distinguished former federal defender for Delaware, who is working on the case for free. Another defense lawyer has voluntarily reduced his hourly fee from $160 to $125 and then to $95.

Lawyers do not normally work for free or for such reduced rates. (It is easy to verify this — call any law firm in Atlanta and see what kind of legal services you can get for $95 an hour.) I am not aware of any members of the prosecution team who are working for free or who have voluntarily reduced their salaries in order to save the state money in its prosecution of Nichols. Nor am I aware of any expert witness on either side who has volunteered his or her services to save the state and county money. Only two of the defense lawyers are doing that.

The problems that have been encountered in the Nichols case may have been anticipated by Fulton County District Attorney Lewis Slaton and may have contributed to his decisions not to seek the death penalty for Wayne Williams for the Atlanta child killings in the 1980s.

Slaton was a tough prosecutor and highly respected. He continued to serve as district attorney long after Williams was convicted and sent away. The courthouse is named for him. But with his office came a higher responsibility than playing to the crowd at the expense of the court system and the community. He put Williams behind bars, punished him for what he did and protected the community without the damage to the system that the Nichols case is causing.


Even More on the Dumb Idea

I read about a poll on Richardson's plan to raise taxes on AJC Insider. 58% support for the plan seems low considering there are few details about it released. However, 29% also seems low to me. I would figure the undecideds wouldn't be so high, but this may also be related to the lack of information about this stupid idea.

What I found even more interesting though were the comments at AJC Insider. There seems to be one conversation about the tax plan and a separate one on immigration. What immigration has to do with the tax plan is unclear, but xenophobia is based on irrational fear.

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